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Rising Mail‑Ballot Rejections in Washington Spark Voter‑Disenfranchisement Fears

Map Reveals Sharp Increase in Late‑Postmarked Ballot Rejections Across Trump‑Winning Counties

A new Senate‑commissioned report shows that several Washington counties that voted for Donald Trump in 2024 have seen a dramatic jump in mail ballots being tossed for late postmarks, raising alarm for the upcoming midterms.

When Senator Maria Cantwell released a snapshot of the Washington Secretary of State’s data, the headline was hard to miss: late‑postmark ballot rejections have more than doubled in a handful of counties since the 2024 primaries. The counties that stand out? Most of them backed Donald Trump in the presidential race, and the spikes are staggering.

Take Mason County, for example. Its rejection rate jumped a mind‑boggling 329.7 percent. Stevens, Yakima, Okanogan and Franklin weren’t far behind, each posting increases well over 200 percent. Even some counties that leaned toward Kamala Harris weren’t immune—Clallam saw a 199 percent surge, Whitman rose 133 percent, and Snohomish climbed nearly 67 percent.

What’s behind this surge? Cantwell points a finger squarely at recent changes at the United States Postal Service. In December, USPS clarified that a postmark reflects the date a piece of mail passes through a processing center, not when the voter dropped it in a box. Add to that a rule that mail traveling more than 50 miles now moves only once a day instead of twice, and you have a perfect storm for delayed postmarks.

That technical detail matters a lot to voters who rely on the mail. A ballot slipped into a mailbox on Election Day could be stamped with a later date if it isn’t processed until the next morning—or even later. In some Washington counties, that means a perfectly cast vote gets tossed because the postmark suggests it arrived after the deadline.

The problem isn’t unique to the Evergreen State. Oregon officials recently reported that 13 percent of mail ballots for the May primary were rejected for the same reason—a jump from 9.5 percent in the previous cycle. The pattern hints at a broader, nationwide headache as the USPS continues to wrestle with cost‑cutting measures and operational tweaks.

Rural voters feel the squeeze hardest. Cantwell warned that the very communities that tend to support the president may end up being the ones most disenfranchised by these policies. “There’s a bit of irony,” she said at a press conference, “that the president could be taking the vote away from his most reliable supporters in the countryside.”

USPS has tried to soothe concerns, reminding people they can ask for a manual stamp at any post office free of charge and urging them to mail ballots at least a week early. Yet the reality on the ground is that many Washingtonians admit to waiting until the last 48 hours to send their ballots, a habit that now feels riskier than ever.

In response, Cantwell is calling on her Senate colleagues to hold hearings on the issue. With the midterm elections only about two months away, the clock is ticking for lawmakers to decide whether to intervene, adjust deadlines, or at least shine a brighter light on a process that many voters thought was settled.

For now, the map of Washington’s counties tells a cautionary tale: a combination of policy shifts and timing quirks can turn a simple act of civic participation into a bureaucratic nightmare. Whether that translates into fewer counted votes in November remains to be seen, but the stakes feel higher than they have in recent election cycles.

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