A Constitutional Conundrum: States Take Governors to the Supreme Court Over Delayed Bills
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- November 21, 2025
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In a significant move that underscores growing tensions between elected state governments and gubernatorial offices, both Tamil Nadu and Kerala have independently approached the Supreme Court. Their grievance? A profound frustration with their Governors, R.N. Ravi in Tamil Nadu and Arif Mohammad Khan in Kerala, who stand accused of simply sitting on, rather than acting upon, a slew of crucial legislative bills passed by their respective state assemblies. It’s a situation, many argue, that goes beyond mere procedural delay and touches upon the very foundations of India's federal structure.
Picture this: an elected government, with a clear mandate from its people, meticulously drafts and passes legislation – sometimes after much debate and deliberation. But then, these vital pieces of law, intended to shape public policy and address societal needs, get stuck in a kind of gubernatorial purgatory. In Tamil Nadu's case, we're talking about a dozen bills, some lingering since 2020-21. Kerala faces a similar predicament with seven bills. For the states, this isn't just an administrative hiccup; it's a deliberate obstruction of governance and, frankly, an affront to the democratic will of their electorates.
Now, this isn't entirely uncharted territory. The Supreme Court has, in fact, weighed in on such matters quite recently. Just last month, while hearing a petition from the Punjab government regarding its Governor, the apex court didn't mince words. It sternly reminded Governors that they cannot indefinitely 'sit over' bills. Article 200 of our Constitution outlines three clear paths for a Governor: grant assent, withhold assent (and return the bill with a message for reconsideration), or reserve it for the President's consideration. Crucially, if the assembly re-passes a returned bill, the Governor 'shall not withhold assent therefrom.' The court's message was loud and clear: act, and act swiftly.
The constitutional role of the Governor is, you see, a delicate dance. They are not meant to be an alternative power centre, nor an 'omnipotent' authority. Rather, they are expected to act largely on the 'aid and advice' of the Council of Ministers, except in a very limited set of discretionary matters. This core principle ensures that the executive power of the state remains tethered to the will of the elected representatives. When Governors, particularly those appointed by the central government, appear to stall bills from opposition-led states, it inevitably fuels accusations of political partisanship and an undermining of state autonomy.
Indeed, this isn't a novel challenge in Indian federalism. Conflicts between Raj Bhavans (Governors' residences) and state secretariats have peppered our political landscape for decades, often flaring up when different political parties hold power at the state and central levels. What Tamil Nadu and Kerala are now asking the Supreme Court to do is to provide not just a ruling, but perhaps a clearer framework, a more defined timeline, or a robust interpretation of Article 200, to prevent such constitutional standoffs from becoming the norm.
Ultimately, these petitions highlight a critical question: how do we ensure that the wheels of governance keep turning smoothly, respecting both the constitutional checks and balances and the democratic mandate of elected state governments? The Supreme Court's deliberations in these cases will undoubtedly have far-reaching implications, not just for Tamil Nadu and Kerala, but for the delicate balance of power that defines our republic.
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